Jitendra Kumar Premi*
Senior Assistant Professor, School of Studies in Anthropology,
Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University Raipur, Chhattisgarh-492010.
*Corresponding Author E-mail: Jitendra_rsu@yahoo.co.in
ABSTRACT:
Gender violence defines: it is a pattern of behavior which involves violence or other abuse by one person in a domestic context against another, such as in marriage or cohabitation. Intimate partner violence is domestic violence by a spouse or partner in an intimate relationship against the other spouse or partner. Domestic violence can take place in heterosexual or same-sex relationships. “Reproductive health is state of complete physical, mental and social well being and not merely the absence of disease of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and to its functions and processes”. The reproductive health statuses of any community, in its determination are involved three dimensions. In their order they are: status of reproductive health services, status of child health services and status of reproductive and sexual health. Apart from these three, another determining dimension is related to gender issues or women empowerment issues, which indirectly influence the entire gamut of the reproductive health process. Two very important points in the measurement of women empowerment need special mentioning. First is the woman’s right accrued to them in social, civic matters. The second is the power of self - determination - their rightful participation and involvement in domestic and social decisions and affairs of life. Apart from these another determining dimension is related to gender issues or women empowerment issues, which have point out in this paper should be cover on the study of gender related violence .
KEY WORDS: Issue, Measure, Gender violence, Reproductive health
INTRODUCTION:
Globally, a wife or female partner is more commonly the victim of domestic violence, though the victim can also be the male partner, or both partners may engage in abusive or violent behavior, or the victim may act in self-defense or retaliation. Whereas women in the developed world who experience domestic violence are openly encouraged to report it to the authorities, it has been argued that domestic violence against men is most often unreported because of social pressure against such reporting, with those that do facing social stigma regarding their perceived lack of machismo and other denigrations of their masculinity (Lupri, 2004 and Migliaccio, 2001).
Gender violence defines: it is a pattern of behavior which involves violence or other abuse by one person in a domestic context against another, such as in marriage or cohabitation. Intimate partner violence is domestic violence by a spouse or partner in an intimate relationship against the other spouse or partner. Domestic violence can take place in heterosexual or same-sex relationships.
“Reproductive health is state of complete physical, mental and social well being and not merely the absence of disease of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and to its functions and processes” (United Nations 1994). According to Jejeebhoy (1995) in short, a reproductive health the orientation, drawn from this and other sources, includes: A satisfying and safe sex life free from the fear of disease and free from coercion and violence. The capability to reproduce and the freedom to decide if when and how often, to do so, that is, access to both infertility services, on the one hand, and contraceptive services, on the one hand and contraceptive services, on the other. Reproductive choice for women and men, that people have the right to be informed and have access to safe, effective afford able and acceptable methods of family planning of their choice. Access to safe and affordable abortion facilities. Safe child-bearing: access to appropriate health care services that will enable women to go safely through pregnancy and child birth and provide for a healthy infant. Access to services for the prevention and care of reproductive health problems, both gynecological and obstetric, in a culturally sensitive manner. Special attention to adolescents whose reproductive health needs have been particularly overlooked”.
The issue of male violence directed towards women cuts across all socio-economic groups; however, the association between socio-economic difficulties, such as unemployment, drug and alcohol consumption and domestic violence has been well established. In a publication commissioned by the World Bank, it is estimated that rape and domestic violence account for 5% of the healthy years lost to women of reproductive age in developing countries. Violence within the family is common, and emotional and psychological abuse can be as depriving as physical abuse (Heise et al. 1994). Similarly, the dismantling of the traditional nuclear family structure during armed conflicts and in refugee camps leads to situations which can potentially give rise to violence. Most of the efforts exerted so far by women’s groups to address the issue of domestic violence and sexual abuse have focused on victims rather than perpetrators. Several countries, including Ecuador, and Peru, have organized media campaigns to sensitize the public on issues of rape and violence. These activities, along with organized support networks and hotlines and a concomitant reform in the justice system have brought about some change in countries where they have been enforced. In most developing countries, however, awareness is lacing, and organized action is still regarded as of low priority. Violence needs to be addressed as a matter of promoting women’s optimal health and well-being.
Gender is influenced by historical, social, and cultural factors, rather than anatomical factors, and is not part of a person's essential, "natural," "true" self. It combines many different, even contradictory, theories of what it means to be male (Moynihan 1998). Males consist of, for example, toddlers and octogenarians; they are fertile and infertile; gay and straight; leaders and followers. Within these nebulous boundaries, nuances abound. Both men and women live inside rippling muscular bodies; some women are covered in bodily hair, some men are not. Transvestism, transsexualism, and bisexuality are not uncommon practices.
The supposed distinction between sex and gender disappears. Gender is not something we are, but something we do in social interactions. The way the doctor allows the patient to achieve a mode of masculinity depends on the role the doctor expects the patient to act out, the type of health care, and the relation between the doctor and the patient. The doctor may be seen as an authority figure, an expert, a bringer of bad news. The patient will respond as a "sick man" and what that means to him in terms of his own identity as a male and in relation to the doctor and the institution in question. In the biological approach, sexual anatomy equates with sexual destiny. Anatomy is proof of being a man. Being a man takes on a universal status, generalisable and immutable. Aggression, reason, a need for control, competitiveness, and emotional reticence are thought to be "natural" attributes for a man; contradiction or ambiguity is anathema to him.
Gender-based violence, as defined by the United Nations General Assembly, includes all acts or threats of violence that result in, or are likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm and/or suffering to women. Gender-based violence is another priority theme of the IGWG Subcommittee on Men and Reproductive Health; click here to see their theme statement on gender-based violence. The most common forms of violence against women are abuse and coerced sex that can occur in childhood, adolescence, or adulthood (Heise et al. 1999). Female genital mutilation (FGM) comes under the rubric of gender-based violence. According to the World Bank, the health burden "from gender victimization among women aged 15 to 44 is comparable to that posed by other risk factors and diseases, including HIV tuberculosis, sepsis during childbirth, cancer and cardiovascular disease" (Heise et al. 1999).
Recent studies attribute men's propensity to violence to "men's contradictory experiences of power" as follows: a. the impossibility of meeting the multiple demands of manhood and the use of violence as a compensatory mechanism; b. the psychological armouring, which keeps some men who commit violence from being in touch with the feelings and the pain of those around them and of their own pain; c. the crippling prohibition of the expression of a range of emotions by men in most cultures, which buries feelings such as hurt, terror, and fear, and channels them into forms of emotional expression that are permitted: anger and aggression, which can flare up as violence; d. past experiences as witnesses to violence against their mothers, experiences witnessing violence against others, and experiences as boys or young men in which violence was directed against them (Kaufman 2000). Strategies to work with men on addressing violence encourage men to reflect on their lifestyles, the costs of their violence and the possible gains from being more caring and affectionate (AVSC and IPPF/WHR 1998).
The objectives are to eliminate all forms of discrimination against the girl child, to eliminate the root causes of son preference, to increase public awareness of the value of the girl child and to strengthen her self-esteem. To these ends, leaders at all levels of society should speak out and act forcefully against gender discrimination within the family based on preference for sons. There should be special education and public information efforts to promote equal treatment of girls and boys with respect to nutrition, health care, education and social, economic and political activity, as well as equitable inheritance. Governments should develop an integrated approach to the special health, education and social needs of girls and young women, and should strictly enforce laws to ensure that marriage is entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses. Governments are urged to prohibit female genital mutilation and to prevent infanticide, prenatal sex selection, trafficking of girl children and use of girls in prostitution and pornography.
A universal phenomenon everywhere experienced is that whenever a woman is pregnant, not only she, along with her husband, the kith and kin of her in-laws’ place, as well as, her mother’s place, her other relatives, her neighbors- one and all, are curious about the gender of the child to be born. All also evince the unspoken desire that the baby’s gender is of their fond liking. Predilection for the particular gender of the oncoming child varies from one community to other on the basis of differing socio-cultural, religious and economies belief and norms. A case in point is India, which being a male dominated society, the general preference is for the male child. For this very reason, before its birth, upon gender determining test, if it happens to be a female fetus, it is aborted right in the womb. In this section of the present study, inquiries were made to find the intentions and longings of the male Baiga regarding their preference for gender of the baby whose birth is imminent. Such an inquiry is further supplemented by detailed probing as on what grounds or basis the Baiga males had as antipathies for the children to be born to them. Their considerations are deemed as gender discrimination parameters in their community (Premi and Mitra 2013).
Monograph of de Bruyn (2001) provides a detailed literature review. The first part of this monograph presents information on the possible links between violence, pregnancy and abortion. Chapter 1 introduces the context, describing the sexual and reproductive health problems that violence against women can cause. Chapters 2-5 describe ways that violence can be related to pregnancy and abortion. The second section discusses measures that can be taken to address the problem. Chapters 6 and 7 suggest approaches for health promotion, based on the conceptual framework described in the earlier chapters. The article of Population Council (1994) provides an overview of research presented at a New Delhi conference on the prevalence and nature of forced marital sex among young women worldwide. Small-scale, qualitative and quantitative studies and large, population-based surveys demonstrate that a considerable number of women experience forced sex in marriage, but most do not report it due to shame, fear of reprisal, or acceptance of it as a norm. Gender norms are considered the main cause for the perpetuation of sexual coercion, but the article includes evidence that suggests that these norms can and are changing, the facts of WHO (2002) a great tool to educate policymakers, particularly on sexual violence. Like the fact sheet on intimate partner violence above, it summarizes data on the extent (prevalence) of sexual violence, its consequences, risk factors, and strategies to respond to and prevent the problem.
The guidelines of WHO (2003) gives an overview of current research regarding the nature and dynamics of sexual violence; general guidance on the nature of the provision of services to victims of sexual violence, including advice on the establishment of suitable healthcare facilities; detailed guidance on all aspects of the medical examination of victims of sexual violence, including the recording and classifying of injuries; steps in the collection of forensic evidence; treatment options and follow-up care; special guidelines for sexual violence against children, with parallel categories to those for adult sexual violence above; and finally, a section on documentation and reporting, including the provision of written reports and court testimony. Although the guidelines have been tested in geographically diverse countries, they should be adapted to individual country settings. While they are comprehensive, they may be overwhelming for a service provider working in a low-resource setting. White et al. (2003) have demonstrated the ability to change gender-related attitudes and the behavior of men, especially with respect to reproductive health and violence. It explains the methodologies each program employed to achieve this goal and presents findings from evaluations conducted to assess their efficacy. Common features of successful programs include collaborating with other institutions; sharing personal experiences as a starting point for behavior change; using well-trained gender-sensitive facilitators for the activities; integrating programs into communities in creative ways; working with males separately from females; suffusing mass media with gender-equitable images; and lastly, doing at least quasi-scientific evaluations of the programs to demonstrate that they are worthwhile.
Mirsky (2003) summarizes current, global research findings on the prevalence and nature of sexual harassment and sexual violence in schools. Both quantitative and qualitative data are cited. Although not comprehensive, some strategies and sample interventions to address the problem of sexual violence in schools are presented, such as formal policy statements, working with teachers, the incorporation of gender and gender-based violence in school curriculum, peer group work and anti-bullying strategies, among others. Bott et al. (2005) present a review of interventions that they deem to be “promising approaches” to addressing two common forms of gender-based violence-intimate partner violence and sexual violence. The authors recognize, however, that few programs have undergone a rigorous evaluation. Interventions in various sectors are reviewed, including justice, health and education, and those applying a multispectral approach. UNFPA (1998) publication is a valuable tool for advocacy and policy reform. Although it focuses on the sexual and reproductive health impacts of gender-based violence, it provides an excellent comprehensive review of the various types of gender-based violence. Moreover, its policy recommendations take a multispectral approach, including increased research for advocacy and policy; legal reform; the instituting of screening, treatment, and referral protocols in health centers; information, education, and communication campaigns; and interagency collaboration.
Most recently, social scientists have pointed to the plurality of definitions of masculinity, even within a single social group. Masculinity is characterized as a plural set of gender identities or masculinities (Connell 1995), which are related to but not uniquely determined by biological sex. Given that here are different ways of being a man, he has argued that masculinities are differently valued “Hegemonic masculinities” are ideal types, which, while varying cross-culturally, exhibit general patterns. Hegemonic masculinities often concentrate ideal masculine attributes, including wealth, attractiveness, virility, strengths, heterosexuality, and emotional detachment. “Subordinate masculinities,” on the other hand, embody some of the opposites of these ideal attributes. Models of hegemonic masculinity, or ideal masculine behavior and identity, may lead to distress for many men who are unable to achieve these ideals. Moreover, men may be conflicted about their desire to achieve hegemonic masculinity in ways that may motivate and affect their reproductive health behavior.
This understanding has been instrumental in making reproductive health professionals aware of the need to develop creative strategies to reach men- a need that has become an important issue in the face of the growing worldwide spread of STD, including HIV infection (Wegner,et al. 1998). Indeed, the consideration of the potential for involving men in family planning is a recent concern that has developed largely as a result of efforts to prevent the transmission of HIV/AIDS (Edward 1994; The Guttmacher Institute 2003. However, this new perspective on men comes from an evolution in thinking about reproductive health rather than from a revolution in attitudes (Gallen et al. 1986). Men are often called “gatekeepers” because of the powerful roles local and national leaders (Green et al. 1995; Greene and Biddlecom 1997). Men can control access tom health information and services, finances, transportation, and other resources using their different roles (Green et al. 1995; Mbizvo and Basset 1996; Robey et al. 1998). Men’s traditional responsibility for providing their families’ economic support is a motivating factor for fertility regulation among male respondents of all age groups (Karra et al. 1997). Hence, ignoring men in family planning and reproductive health programmes undermines efforts both to change their attitudes on population matters and to motivate them, and through them, their wives on family planning and reproductive health matters (Adewuyi and Ogunjuyigb 2003).
Some policy makers view the male involvement from a gender perspective, as gender has a powerful influence on reproductive decision making and behaviour (Mccauley et al. 1994). In many country settings men are the primary decision makers about sexual activity, fertility and contraceptive use, family size, birth spacing, or extramarital sexual partners (Fort 1986; Storey et al. 1997). There is a growing understanding in the international public health community regarding the gender role as a fundamental influence; along with decision making power, access to education and earning power, it affects the health choice available to everyone. This understanding has been instrumental in making reproductive health choice available to everyone.
The reproductive health attitudes and behaviour of men play a critical role in maintaining the health of women and children (Best 1998). Men have the greater likelihood of being involved in extra or pre- marital sexual activities, have higher rates of partner change and hence a greater risk of exposure to STIs/HIV/AIDS (Mundigo 1995). Results from other studies show that it is primarily the sexual behaviour of married men which puts their wives at risk of STIs/HIV/AIDS (Hawkes 1998; Hawkes et al. 2002; Hunter et al. 1994: Moses et al. 1994; and Thomas et al. 1996). Men having unsafe sex outside of marriage may become infected with STIs/HIV/AIDS and subsequently share their infection with their wives. The physiology of a women’s reproductive tract indicates that her risk of being infected by a women (Best 1998; Jones and Wasserheit 1991). The chance of male to female transmission of HIV is approximately four times higher than female to male transmission (Aral 1993). In some countries, including the United States and several sub-Saharan African and Asian nation, HIV/AIDS is now spreading faster among women than men (Drennan, 1998; Salem 2004). In the STD prevention area, men are crucial because the main method of prevention is the male condom, which requires active cooperation from the partners (Best 1998).
Evidence suggests that many men abuse women physically and emotionally, even when they are pregnant (Gazmararian et al. 1996). The multi-country study of Kishor and Kiersten (2004) was an ambitious attempt at identifying the prevalence, risk factors, relations to women’s status, and health consequences of domestic violence. To fully understand this document, at least a basic knowledge of statistics is required. Also note that the rates of prevalence of GBV found in this study are likely underestimates because the surveys on violence were administered as part of a wider survey on women’s health, rather than as a standalone survey. A study by World Bank on 35 countries revealed that between one quarter and one half of women had been physically abused by a current or former partner (Heise et al. 1994). Studies suggest that sexual violence, including rape, is increasing worldwide (UNFPA 1997).
Men have the sole responsibility to end all sorts of violence against women (Drennan 1998; Green et al. 1995; UNFPA 1994). Kapoor’s (2000) publication provides a useful overview and scope of focusing not only on its reproductive health impact but also its impact on individual rights and well-being, the economy, and society. Especially noteworthy are the recommendations that emphasize a multi-sectoral approach to addressing the problem of GBV. The publication of Krug et al. (2002) discusses various types of violence as they relate to health. Chapters 4 and 6, in particular, give a comprehensive overview of the prevalence, dynamics, risk factors, and consequences of intimate partner violence and sexual violence, as well as a review of the types of interventions to address the problems worldwide. Guedes (2004) concludes with key elements that should be incorporated into all GBV programs, including investing in long-term, multi-sectoral programs with well-designed evaluations; ensuring the safety and autonomy of survivors and the cultural appropriateness of interventions; incorporating a human rights perspective into all initiatives; and promoting system-wide changes. Programmatic priorities are also offered. WHO (2002) fact sheet provides a brief summary of a chapter on intimate partner violence found in WHO’s World Report on Violence and Health. It covers the extent (prevalence) of intimate partner violence, its consequences, risk factors, and strategies to respond to and prevent the problem. Epstein (1998) provides a quick snapshot of the health and social issues related to gender-based violence.
It is an excellent resource to use as a quick reference or guide for advocates and public officials who are trying to make gender-based violence a health issue. It also provides brief recommendations and synopses of promising interventions in the areas of health, the community, the legal sector, and the media. It should be noted, however, that this document is not current. The study of Heise et al. (1999) is the leading, perhaps most widely cited piece on gender-based violence as it relates to health today. Comprehensive, yet succinct and well-organized, this piece offers the basic information on GBV, including definitions, prevalence statistics, risk factors, and health consequences, as well as guidelines for improving the health service response to GBV.
The report of Duvury et al. (2004) provides a framework to measure the direct, quantifiable monetary costs of intimate partner violence at the community and household levels, such as the costs of health care services related to GBV. It includes a step-by-step guide on the components of such costs to be measured. The study does not actually measure those monetary costs for sample countries or settings, since cost data are not available. Nonetheless, the authors argue that the framework would be useful to lobby for the collection of such data. The document of Garcia-Moreno et al. (2005) provides recommendations of how poverty reduction and development efforts in general can more effectively consider and address violence against women. The authors conclude that many MDG targets will be missed if violence against women one of the most blatant manifestations of gender inequality is not addressed. The publication Jacobs (2003) is a useful resource for activists and policymakers seeking to understand the role of policy and advocacy to stop violence against women, as well as good practices on how to do so through laws and policies. It assesses what advances have been made and what still needs to be done worldwide through campaigns, legislation, and policies. Michau and Naker (2003) present an action plan to mobilize the community to prevent domestic violence. Although designed for the African context, it has been tested and adapted in other regions as well. Activities are organized around five phases: Conducting a community assessment, raising awareness, building networks, integrating action and consolidating programs.
Taboos and primitive tribes are inseparable correlate. The tribal taboos are the seed-bed of modern laws. Several form of taboos characterize tribal societies, out of a numerous number of them, pregnancy related taboos are more trenchant that the pregnant women are obliged to contend against. The intentions of such taboos are mainly magico-religious in nature or are mainly pseudo religious in orientation. Such taboos, more often than not, are not only related to pregnant women, they are far reaching to the extent that they might even harm the fetus. But sometimes they prove auspicious, yielding good results (Premi and Mitra 2013).
A conspicuously worldwide phenomenon it is that women, irrespective what societies they pertain to, whether modern or primitive, rural or urban, during their menarcheal period, contend against all sorts of taboos. Comparatively, the ratios of menstrual taboos are more in primitive and rural societies, which prove harmful for their self-esteem and personal health (Premi and Mitra 2013). Premi and Chandraker (2008) pointed out that during the menses periods the adolescent Gond girls of Chhattisgarh were not allowed to enter the prayer rooms, sacred places and burial or funeral ground.
The fact is well-known that the modern society is a male dominant society. This is true not only in case of very technically and scientifically advanced western society as well as the most ordinary primitive society which is highly backward from modern point of view in science and technical advancement. The overall status of women in such societies, irrespective of material differences, seems to be rather similar: the dominance of men and the comparative powerlessness of women. At times, in many respects of life, the primitive society seems to enjoy greater rights than its western counter part, whereas, in certain specific fields, the situation is just the opposite. If we want know about women’s empowerment in a given society, then the rights they enjoy in lives’ various fields and circumstances, provide the best possible means for such measuring. The rights and privileges are the right yardsticks of women’s empowerments. It is a common place and much accepted fact that the more women are endowed with rights and freedom in a given society, the more high will be the status of reproductive health of its women.
In any society if a segment of it remains vulnerable, which, by common consent is called “deprived”, if certain right and privileges are hoisted on such a group or segment, then the bare granting of such concession does not testify that the alienated group is thereby made a part of the mainstream; that the group is made at per or equal with the higher-ups. To assess how for the given rights and privileges are implemented and made effective, the best possible mode is to pool up a bolus of knowledge/ information regarding the ratio of active participation, particularly in decision making of the alleged group to which the rights are conceded or given in gratis.
CONCLUSION:
The reproductive health statuses of any community, in its determination are involved three dimensions. In their order they are: status of reproductive health services, status of child health services and status of reproductive and sexual health. Apart from these three, another determining dimension is related to gender issues or women empowerment issues, which indirectly influence the entire gamut of the reproductive health process. Two very important points in the measurement of women empowerment need special mentioning. First is the woman’s right accrued to them in social, civic matters. The second is the power of self - determination - their rightful participation and involvement in domestic and social decisions and affairs of life. Had the matter remained confined to bickering and quarrels the matter could have been overlooked but when turned to blows and manhandling then the fabric of family life and even social life is broken and peace and stability is jeopardized. Apart from these another determining dimension is related to gender issues or women empowerment issues, which have point out in this paper should be cover on the study of gender related violence .
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Received on 25.11.2014 Modified on 15.12.2014
Accepted on 28.12.2014 © A&V Publication all right reserved
Int. J. Ad. Social Sciences 2(4): Oct. - Dec., 2014; Page 191-197