INTRODUCTION:

This paper examines the aspect of mobility among the industrial workers of Uttar Pradesh. The issue of mobility has attracted the attention of large number of scholars in India and abroad (Bottomore : 1966: Glass : 1967 Goldthorpe: 1968 ; Vaid : 1968 ; Sharma : 1974). In their opinion mobility has been viewed as a instrumental factor in developing new kinds of class composition in industrial setting, due to the impact of work relation and work organization (Chhiber : 1968). In India, since the post independence period, many sociologists have studied social mobility more intensively than they have studied the changes within class themselves and have attributed more importance to it as a solvent of class-divisions. The findings of those studies may be summarized in the following way :

1. Social mobility has generally increased with the greater inflow of income and occupation.

2. Most often, mobility is linked with individuals' own drives, urges and motivation hence, it is observed into some specific persons or groups only.

3. With relation to classes, it is observed that social mobility is taking place between social levels which are close together; for example, between the upper levels of the working class and the lower levels of the middle class.

Movement from the working class into the upper class is very restricted and limited in all contemporary societies. These characteristics can be shown clearly by studies of recruitment to particular elite occupations such as civil services, medical services, technical services etc. In Britain, a study of the directors of business corporations reveals that more than 50 per cent of them began their careers with the advantage of having business connections in the family. Another study of civil servants shows that almost 50 per cent of them came from the families of the upper and upper middle class, while only 3 per cent came from working class (Prasad : 1974). Thus, in literature, one can find two school of thoughts with relation to the aspect of social mobility.

· Movement of individuals into the higher rung of classes because of one's own achievement orientation and motivation.

· Movement of individuals into higher rung of classes because of market ad work situations such as promotional opportunities, achievement orientation, organizational exposures and contacts.

Since a debate is raised by presenting two kinds of views in literature, therefore, we thought to join the debate while studying the status-mobility observed among the respondents of the study due to their life-chances. This paper focuses its attention on factors which facilitate mobility among the respondents for developing a new class order. It assumes that blurring of class divisions is taking place in the Indian industrial work organization because of the unequal opportunities construed as the aspect of life-chances (Merton:1968). Consequently, new class configuration is emerging which is prompting a situation of class-structuration. Emerging trends of mobility linked with external support facilitators like market-situation, class situation and work situation in organizational context is discussed in my earlier paper. (Dwivedi: 2011)

In this paper, we also propose to examine the differential achievement orientation found among the respondents working at two different types of organization i.e. 'mechanistic' type and the 'organic' type of organization. The paper is divided into two sub sections. First section deals with the achievement orientation of the respondents, while the second section focuses its attention on the respondents’ aspiration. Data was collected from different industrial units based in Kanpur and Allahabad. A total number of 300 respondents were selected and the results obtained were analyzed.

1. Achievement Orientation and the Objective Criteria

In the Indian society, achievement of individuals is judged by their socio-economic status such as caste affiliations, community placement like rural-urban etc. economic dispositions, income, occupations and educational qualifications. Indian people have varying degrees and measures of power, wealth and privileges. Caste and class are two phenomena of social stratification which offer many characteristics in common. They are linked with varying degrees of power, wealth and privileges (Lipset and Bendix:1959). Both are treated as agencies of social mobility and together they decide the position a person occupies in a community or social setting (Lipset and Zetterberg : 1956), (Dwivedi:2011)

Social classes are categories or groups of persons having defined status in society which permanently determines their relationship to other divisions or groups (Gisbert:1972). The relative position of the class in the social scale arises from the degree of prestige attached to the status. In every society, the prestige enjoyed by the ruling class is superior to that of the working class. The notion of joining or aspiring to join a group with access to more wealth, greater income, better occupation, than one is having at present, can thrive only in a society which has the said inequalities. A social class is distinguished from others by certain institutionalized relationships and customary modes of behavior which are expected and demanded from its members by the society at large. It can be mode of dress, speech, types of acquaintances, and ways of recreation or consumption pattern. The inherent element of stability in class adds to the characteristic of the individuals composing it. If the class status is determined by wealth or a particular skill, it does not merely mean that its members posses this characteristic. But they certainly have the means and facilities, what is denied to the members of other classes (Gisbert:1972). Often people think that the caste system cannot have social mobility (internal) because of its ascriptive features. However, to some extent, this notion has been challenged with the theory of Sanskritization. (Srinivas : 1952).

In India, there is a unique kind of ascriptive social stratification known as caste groups. Caste divisions of India are endogamous groups bearing a common name and its members have certain amount of restrictions on their social relationship with members of other caste groups. In short we can say that the distinctive features of caste are the following (Hutton:1951).

· Endogamy and Hereditary

· Rigid pattern of social and religious hierarchy

· Hereditary occupation

· Authority

· Taboos

For centuries, the caste system acted as an effective means of integrating the Indian society into one vast and variegated community, by incorporating the various groups in its life. With the strict division of occupation, the Hindu culture provided the and with generations of craftsmen who were extremely skillful in their vocations. This system insisted on keeping the traditional occupations and duties of the caste, which fostered stagnation and immobility in the society. In recent times, there has been a great deal of mobility for the castes themselves (Shyam Lal :1992:1995). The individual continued to be chained to his caste. But irrespective of the caste background, some other caste members could climb to the highest positions in the society which were previously denied to them. In the traditional set up, these high positions were reserved for the high castes. This became possible because of the dogma of birth, which was a deciding factor in determining the caste. It was deeply ingrained in the ancient Hindu society (Shyam Lal, 1995).

Present day Indian society has a peculiar correspondence between the caste and class configuration. The influence of an individuals' caste on his class status is beyond doubt (Dumont:1970). Consequently, the SES scale was developed to classify respondents into different class categories has four elements. They are respondents' occupation, income, education and their caste affiliation. Using the SES scale, the respondents were divided into three categories of the high, medium and low socio economic status (SES). It is found that respondents are well distributed in all the three categories. For example, 42 per cent respondents are in the high SES category, while 34 per cent are in low SES. Rest 24 per cent respondents are in the middle SES category. This suggests that a big chunk of respondents belong to the high SES group, while the middle SES category has the smallest number of respondents. Findings suggest that large number of respondents claim to have reached to the top SES level because of their market situation such as wages, family income, occupation, educational qualifications and caste affiliations. Therefore, they are considered to have high level of achievement orientation.

1.1 Class Status as Perceived by the Respondents

In order to compare the objective status of the respondents with their self-assessment, we asked them to rank themselves using the indictors of economic power, social prestige and consumption pattern and to place themselves in the class they belonged to. This kind of self assessment became essential in order to determine the behavioral aspect of stratification i.e. to ascertain, whether the perceived class status of the respondents tallied with their observed SES categories. Secondly, this exercise would enable us to understand the aspect of congruity and incongruity between the observed status and the perceived assessment made by the respondents of different type of work-situation.

Table : 1 : Respondents Perceived Status and the Different Types of Work-Situation N=300

	Types of Organization		Grand Total
	Mechanistic	Organic	Grand Total
Low	26	61	87 (29)
Medium	112	87	199 (66.3)
High	12	2	14 (4.7)
Total	150	150	300 (100)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

X² = 24.36 df = 2 P < .001

The table 1 shows the self assessment of respondents’ status. The data presented in the table shows that 199 out of 300 respondents placed themselves in the middle class category, 87 in low class and only 14 respondents placed themselves in high class category. The data, thus, show an overwhelming majority of respondents perceiving themselves in the middle class categories irrespective of their organizational affiliation. The noticeable differences between the respondents of two different types of organizations are due to their socio-economic conditions. It is interesting to observe that there is some differential assessment of perceived class status among the respondents of the two kinds of organization. Respondents belonging to middle class status are comparatively more (112) in 'mechanistic' organization in comparison to the 'organic' ones (87). This figure reveals that by and large respondents belonging to the 'organic' organizations have a very good assessment of their class status and hence they did not suffer from any kind of misgivings. This point becomes more observable, when one wants to examine the consistency pattern. Statistically also, the results show high degree of relationship x²=24.36 df =2 P< .001 between the variables i.e. perceived status and respondents affiliating work-organizations.

The chances of development of a situation of congruence or incongruence become more if there is discrepancy between the objective status and the subjectively perceived status. The question of congruence and incongruence arise because social strains which emerge from the conflict of universal desire and material success lead to the condition of anomie (Merton: 1968).In every society avoidance of incongruence is desired because its presence leads to frustration and anomie (Merton : 1968). However, for capitalist system, success is dependent on the aspect of striving or anxiousness. Therefore, in a capitalist or a developing nation, anxiousness or incongruence become the positive indicators of achievement. For example, an individual placed into a high caste category might perceive himself into a low class category. Consequently, the ascribed and the achieved status may also lead to a situation of incongruity (Homans:1962). In short, if there is a correspondence between the objective status and the subjective evaluation of the status, then there is a state of congruity. In the reverse position, there is a situation of incongruity. It would be interesting to find out as to how many respondents are congruent or incongruent with respect to their perceived class status. From table 2 it becomes evident that an overwhelming majority of the respondents claimed to perceive themselves in the middle class status. On enquiry the reason for the same was found to be in their acquisition of the material belonging and the level of their education.

Table 2 presents the consistency in assessment between the observed status and perceived status of respondents. When matched the perceived status with their objective status, the result was quite unexpected. In the low SES category, 45 respondents perceived their status to be low, 49 medium and only 9 respondents high status. With regard to medium SES, only 25 respondents placed themselves in low status category, while 45 respondents in medium and only one respondent in high perceived status category. In the high SES category, 87 respondents perceived having low. 199 respondents medium and only 14 perceived having high status. It is interesting to note from table 6.2 that a majority of respondents placed themselves in the middle class group. This table also shows mismatch between the perceived status and the objectively measured SES. 87 respondents perceived to have low class disposition, however, in terms of SES. 103 respondents placed them into the low SES category. It is interesting to point out that regarding self perception, respondents had certain amount of incongruence. For example, in medium SES, only 71 respondents are in high SES category while in self assessment only 14 respondents have placed themselves into high class status.

Table 2 : Respondents Perceived Status and the Different Types of Work-Situation N=300

SES Category	Perceived Class Status			Total
SES Category	Low	Medium	High	Total
Low	45	49	9	103 (34.3)
Medium	25	45	1	71 (23.7)
High	17	105	4	126 (42)
Total	87	199	14	300 (100)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

X² = 35.97 df = 4 P < .001

This clearly denotes that there is a situation of incongruence, regarding subjective perception and objective ranking of status (SES). This strengthens our assumption that more respondents are in state of anxiety.

3. Respondents Aspiration

In order to judge the mobility of the respondents, aspiration becomes a crucial variable. It is believed that the aspired respondents are more mobile than the uninspired ones. Many studies suggest that aspiration, plays a significant role in promoting mobility (Sharan: 1978; Mukherji:1986; Gupta:1985). The studies did report of variance in the level of aspiration existing among the workers. Aspiration in this study has been taken as one of the major indicators to assess the trends of class structuration. In this section, the differential patterns of aspirations exhibited among the respondents have been discussed. In order to examine the respondents aspirations, three aspects have been taken into consideration.

1. Aspiration for Self

2. Aspiration for dependents

3. Link between aspiration and the socio economic status of the respondents.

Aspiration for Self

In this section, we intend to discuss the pattern of aspiration found among the respondents of 'mechanistic' and 'organic' types of organization.(Dwivedi:2011) Aspiration has an important four point scale was prepared, taking the following elements into consideration.

1. Occupational preference

2. Consumption Pattern

3. Saving pattern

4. Investment and acquisitions

Each element has four to five questions and the respondents were asked to answer them. Depending upon their answers and cumulative scores, a measurement scale of aspiration was developed. This scale was divided into three categories as least aspired, moderately aspired and highly aspired (Dwivedi:2011).

Table 3: Differential Aspiration among respondents of Mechanistic and Organic Type of Organization. N=300

Aspiration categories	Work-Organization		Total
Aspiration categories	Mechanistic	Organic	Total
Low	50	48	98 (32.7)
Moderate	73	81	154 (51.3)
High	27	21	48 (16.00)
Total	150	150	300 (100.00)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

X² = 1.206 df = 2 P < .5471

From table 3, it is evident that 33 percent respondents belonged to low aspired category, 51 per cent belong to moderately aspired category and only 16 per cent are placed in the high aspired category. Whereas, in 'organic' organization, 48 respondents belonged to low aspired category, 81 in moderately aspired category and only 21 respondents were placed in highly aspired respondents category. In contrast, mechanistic organization figure 50 respondents in the low aspired category, 73 in the moderately aspired and 27 respondents in the high aspired category. A close perusal of table reveals that respondents of 'organic' organization were more aspired in comparison to their counterparts of 'mechanistic' organization X²=1.206 df=2 P<.5471. The statistical results X²=1.206 df=2 P<.5471 show some kind of interlink age between the aspiration and the type of organization. The results show a positive association between the aspiration and the organization in which respondents are employed. It is observed that in general, the respondents are showing certain amount of aspiration, which is reflected in their educational and career preferences. Due to better exposure, education and opportunities, the respondents of 'organic' organization were more aspired than of mechanistic type of organization.

Table 4 : Respondents Occupational Aspiration and their Socio Economic Status Aspiration. N=300

Occupational Aspiration categories	Socio Economic Status			Total
Occupational Aspiration categories	Low	Medium	High	Total
Low	28	27	43	98 (32.7)
Medium	59	32	63	154 (51.3)
High	16	12	20	48 (16.00)
Total	103 (34.3)	71 (23.7)	126 (42.00)	300 (100)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

X² = 3.00 df = 4 P < .60

We have already discussed respondents assessment of their aspiration by taking certain questions and divided their aspiration into three categories as low aspired, moderately aspired and highly aspired, As there was little difference between the categories of manual and non manual workers hence, no separate discussion was made on them. Table 4 reveals the SES and the occupational aspiration of respondents. From the table it is evident 98 respondents belonging to the low aspired category, 154 respondents to moderately aspired category and only 48 respondents belonging to highly aspired category. In the SES category it is evident that 34 per cent respondents have low SES, 24 per cent medium SES and 42 per cent high SES. On comparison with both the variables, it is observed that 28 respondents in the low aspired category, have low SES, 27 have medium SES and 43 respondents have high SES. In the medium aspired category, 59 respondents have low SES, 32 respondents have medium SES and 63 respondents have high SES. Out of the respondents who have high aspiration 16 have low SES, 12 have medium SES and 20 have high SES. Statistically X² = 3.00 df =4 P<.60 it is proved that our hypothesis has a positive association between aspiration and the SES of the respondents.

Aspiration for the Dependents

To asses the extent of aspiration for the dependents a scale was prepared in which three indicators were used. These indicators were :

1. Future plan for children's/dependents' education

2. Professional choice for the dependents/children

3. Strategies adopted

For all questions, 1 point was given to positive response and 0 point to negative response. The total score ranged from 0-3. Those who secured upto one point were put in the category of less aspired, 2 pointers were put in the category of moderately aspired and 3 pointers were placed in the category of highly aspired. Thus the scale of aspiration for dependents comprised three categories of low aspired, moderately aspired and highly aspired.

Table 5: Respondents aspiration for their dependents in Work Organizations. N=300

Aspiration categories	Work-Organization		Total
Aspiration categories	Mechanistic	Organic	Total
Low	42	40	82 (27.3)
Medium	79	66	145 (48.3)
High	29	44	73 (24.3)
Total	150	150	300 (100)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

Table 5 reveals respondents aspiration for their dependents in 'mechanistic' and 'organic' organizations. In the 'mechanistic' organization, the table shows that 42 respondents, respondents belonged to the low aspired category, 79 respondents to moderately aspired and 29 respondents belonged to highly aspired category. On the other hand, in 'organic' organization 40 respondents had low aspiration, 66 respondents had moderate and 44 respondents had high aspiration for their dependents advancement. This reveals that in highly aspired category, respondents of organic organization have faired well in comparison to the mechanistic organization.

A perusal of table further reveals not much difference in the low aspired category of both the organizations. The reasons for this can be attributed to their educational background and world-view towards life. Many respondents informed that they wanted their dependents to be economically settled in future life, irrespective of the type of jobs. This thinking was a result of their poor education and exposure to the harsh realities of the life.

In 'organic' organization the respondents were highly aspired in comparison to their counterparts of 'mechanistic' organization. Respondents of the 'organic' organization wanted their children and dependents to be successful in their life. They wanted them to be economically independents. To achieve this, they made efforts to provide them all facilities like education in good school/university, arranging coaching classes etc. They as a matter of fact aimed high for their children career. On the contrary, the respondents of the 'mechanistic' organizations wanted their children to get into some jobs so that they did not struggle and face economic disability. They wished their children to get into some government job. Status or the job satisfaction for the children was of least importance to them. This proves that the highly aspired respondents were more conscious towards their children's future. They wanted them to become economically independents.

By emphasizing on life-chances and using indicators to promote class mobility. Weber has open up a new dimension of class situation. Often class situation is linked with status situation, work situation and material advantages or disadvantages such as material rewards, and social and economic opportunities or lack of opportunities which has been termed by Weber as life-chances. The family push and organizational atmosphere inculcate mobility among the industrial workers (Glass : 1967, Lockwood:1958 ; Goldthorpe et.al 1968, 1969).

To summarize it can be said that the respondents of the 'organic' type of organizations are more aspired in comparison to their counterparts in the 'mechanistic' organizations. They are better educated and employed. Environmental of work-organizations provide a reasonable atmosphere around the individual which moulds their thinking pattern according to the prevailing conditions and situation. It is found that workers in the 'mechanistic' organization are more fatalistic in their approach. They took everything for granted. Whereas in the 'organic' organization the workers are not fatalistic. They were more pragmatic in their approach.

From the above presentation it can also be inferred that the workers of the 'mechanistic' organizations are comparatively less motivated and therefore show lack of mobility primarily due to the reason of rigidity of the organization. While the organic organizations give enough freedom and liberty to their workers which result in informal atmosphere and an informal condition of work culture. Thus, more frequently of mobility is visible among the workers of such organizations. Let us now delve on the issue of globalization. It is widely accepted that before the advent of globalization Indian markets were primarily restricted to small geographic areas because of the limitations of transportation systems. As transportation systems developed, markets became regional and then national. Today, neither consumer nor labor markets are national. Consumers have access to products and services from a world market. And those customers are increasingly taking advantage of that world market. They demand quality products and services, and they use that world market in their search for those products and services. Consumers now have access to a world economy. Furthermore, labor markets are becoming international because companies can now “source” their production worldwide (Friedman 2005). That is, they can shift their jobs to whatever location they decide is best for their company, irrespective of the effects of these shifts for the workers, communities, and countries they leave. The potential consequences of changes in both these markets for the status of industrial organizations and their workers are profound. As Kanter (1995) notes, “Globalization is surely one of the most powerful and pervasive influences on nations, businesses, workplaces, communities, and lives at the end of the twentieth century”.

With the advent of Globalization in 1989, various organizations have experienced tremendous changes, the most striking being the decline of trade unions.

The effects of globalization on Indian industry can be presented underneath:

1.     Rise in demand for labor and the rise in wage rates leading to some increase in costs.
2.     Weakening power of the trade unions over labor in emerging industries and growth sectors like IT, entertainment, internet and mobile services, airlines, banking. .
3.     Too much competition in the market leading to continuous pressure on raising productivity, enhancing consumer service, improving product quality, in order to survive. Globalization has paved way for intense competition resulting in improved quality of goods at competitive prices.

4. Voluntary retirement for many public sector units such as banking sector and private organizations.

5. Growth of consumerism within the boundaries of the nation resulting in instability in profits due to too much choice among customers.

6. Shortage of power and infrastructure and escalating prices of real estate affecting industrial expansion. This has facilitated closure of inefficient units supplying costly and shabby products and loss of jobs and rising problems of dealing with uncertainty in the international market in terms of demand supply.

To conclude it can be said that the impact of globalisation has been highly positive in all spheres of economic and social life and virtually no negative effect. It is only because of opening of the hitherto closed, govt.-oppressed and controlled economy to the process of globalisation that has helped Indian economy to grow rapidly: in the last 20-22 years, India's economic growth has been high, exports have boomed, incidence of poverty has gradually reduced, employment has surged, begging by India for economic aid has minimized, long-term inflation rate has gone down, scarcity of goods have disappeared, the quality of products available have improved substantially and overall India has become progressively vibrant and internationally competitive. Indian companies are setting up companies abroad; India has better technological development for the benefit of the common man (mobiles, road transport, cheap clothes, etc - only because of globalisation. Effect of globalisation on Indian industry has been very positive, though some industrial firms with the baggage of high cost, inefficient plants and processes inherited from the past because of closed economy's government dictated industrial policies and priorities had to face serious problems in the beginning. But soon most of the industries have become more and more efficient; customer focused and improved their international competitiveness in terms of costs, prices, product quality and variety. Industrial growth has been very high and strong during the past decade because of globalisation. Exports have increased tremendously. Indian industries are also expanding abroad. Foreign companies have substantially increased their investments in Indian industries. Wages of industrial labor has increased substantially as they have become very productive. Lock out and strikes have declined to insignificantly low levels because industrial labor is happy. Those who cannot be efficient and past their prime age to retrain themselves in modern methods and processes have been retired with very attractive voluntary retirement schemes. The trade unions are finding it difficult to influence industrial workers into agitation because labor has started benefiting from the positive fallout of globalization on the prosperity and growth of the industrial sector. Talented and merited labor is commanding premium compensation in the labor market. Several new type of industries have also come up. Small scale industries of the past have fast grown into medium scale companies. Incidence of industrial sickness has gone down drastically.

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Received on 03.02.2014 Modified on 10.02.2014

Int. J. Ad. Social Sciences 2(1): Jan. –Mar., 2014; Page 01-07

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